It’s time to bomb ISIS: Yes, America helped sow these seeds, but this is the rare group that should be called “terrorists”
Disastrous, ham-fisted foreign policy by both Obama and Bush has forced us to select from horrible options
How quickly all Washington’s chickens flock back to the roost these days. You can say this about any number of policy disasters, notably but not only in the Middle East. The Israel-Palestine crisis comes immediately to mind, given the tragedy, at the moment abated, in Gaza. So does Egypt, where U.S. support for “the restoration of democracy,” Secretary of State John Kerry’s memorable phrase for last year’s bloody coup, quickly produced the worst human-rights offenses in Egyptian history.
I am thinking most of Syria, now that Washington recommences its primitive war dance in apparent preparation for a bombing campaign. This mess is so tangled it starts to resemble a parody of a foreign policy, the real thing nowhere to be found.
You cannot blame President Obama alone for the rampage the Islamic State now conducts in Syria and across the border in Iraq. The seeds of this grotesque efflorescence went into the ground many years ago, and only the propagandists any longer ignore the primary hand America had in sowing them.
But Obama — and here comes a sentence I can scarcely believe I am writing — has done at least as much as George W. Bush to provoke extremist violence in the Syrian-Iraqi segment of the arc of crisis. In the Syria case I would say more, and worse may lie just ahead.
I cannot do better than Glenn Greenwald, the noted Salon alumnus, to capture the sheer incoherence Washington has collapsed into in the past few days. Here he is Tuesday in the Intercept, the publication he recently launched:
It was not even a year ago when we were bombarded with messaging that Syrian President Bashar al-Assad is a Supreme Evil and Grave Threat, and that military action against his regime was both a moral and strategic imperative. The standard cast of “liberal interventionists”—Tony Blair, Anne-Marie Slaughter, Nicholas Kristof, and Samantha Power—issued stirring sermons on the duties of war against Assad. Secretary of State John Kerry actually compared Assad to (guess who?) Hitler, instructing the nation that “this is our Munich moment.” Striking Assad, he argued, “is a matter of national security. It’s a matter of the credibility of the United States of America. It’s a matter of upholding the interests of our allies and friends in the region….
Now the Obama administration and American political class is celebrating the one-year anniversary of the failed “Bomb Assad!” campaign by starting a new campaign to bomb those fighting against Assad—the very same side the U.S. has been arming over the last two years.
It’s as though the U.S. knew for certain all along that it wanted to fight in the war in Syria, and just needed a little time to figure out on which side it would fight. It switched sides virtually on a dime, and the standard Pentagon courtiers of the U.S. media and war-cheering foreign policy elites are dutifully following suit, mindlessly depicting ISIS as an unprecedented combination of military might and well-armed and well-funded savagery (where did they get those arms and funds?)….
This is a perfectly fair account of what Obama’s Washington now wants to tell you is a foreign policy. Greenwald takes particular issue with the thought that the Islamic State’s violence is unprecedented — the italics are his — and of course it is not. But there are many more problems with this latest chapter in the American story in Syria.
The first thing to look at is the bombing. Yea or nay?
You get very varied opinions on this question from right-thinking people. Patrick Cockburn, the London Independent’s noted commentator and the best thing going on the Middle East, finds ISIS savage enough to warrant destruction. And you cannot destroy ISIS unless you bomb Iraq and Syria, not just the former, he tells us. Cockburn sees it up close, and this counts.
John Feffer, writing in Foreign Policy in Focus, sees nothing but harm resulting from bombing raids in either Syria or Iraq. “A campaign of U.S. aerial strikes is just the kind of outside force that will keep ISIS strong and unified in the absence of an obvious focus of hatred,” he writes in a thoughtful piece.
Greenwald opposes the bombing, too, but seems slightly ambivalent. “Nobody disputes the brutality and extremism of ISIS, but that is a completely different question from whether the U.S. should take military action against it,” he writes. “What are air strikes going to accomplish? … If one really wants to advocate that the U.S. should destroy or at least seriously degrade ISIS, then one should honestly face what that actually entails.”
Then you have Pope Francis, who this week endorsed the idea of attacking ISIS, reasoning that it falls within the definition of a “just war.” This news impressed me, given I hold the current pope in high regard.
The question is often posed, “Why attack this awful person or party or army when these others are either tolerated or are allies?” It is always good to ask this, as it leads straight to the heart of the incessant hypocrisy and irrationality in America’s foreign dealings. But ISIS appears truly exceptional, and I will elaborate my argument favoring the bombing in a minute.
In effect, the Obama administration appears braced to do the right thing for the wrong reasons and in the wrong way. Ill intent and a plainly stupid method, I must quickly add, will all but cancel any possibility of a positive outcome. The job should be done and decisively concluded.
First of all, there is the question of sovereignty — a very serious question, given that ISIS explicitly asserts that it intends to destroy Syria’s and Iraq’s to reestablish an Islamic caliphate, the last of which perished 90 years ago with the emergence of nationalism in the Middle East. Washington could not be more mistaken on this point.
In preparing public opinion for the start of bombing, the foreign policy, security and defense cliques have said pointedly that the U.S. will neither inform the Assad government of its plans nor, still less, work with the Assad government, and least of all honor Syria’s borders. The object, of course, is to avoid any appearance that it now comes to the aid of a regime it has so thoroughly demonized — to avoid looking stupid, in other words.